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ON a rain-swept Thursday evening, Jennifer Rubell, dressed as astringently as her lower Lexington Avenue town house – she in a sculptural black-and-white shift and purple patent-leather platform shoes, and the house in matte white, its rooms flecked with Seussian, and mostly bright red, modern furniture – welcomed guests to a party she was giving for her friend Ingrid Abramovitch, a former editor at House & Garden, in honor of Ms. Abramovitch’s new book, “Restoring a House in the City.”

　The book is an enticing portfolio of urban houses from Charleston to Montreal, which were shot by a young photographer named Brian Park on old-fashioned film with a large-format view camera like that used by Ansel Adams or Sally Mann. Though it smacks of insularity and boosterism to say so, it must be noted that the most interesting and adventurous houses, with one or two exceptions, were those found within New York City (remember, New York City includes Brooklyn). Ms. Rubell’s house, while certainly adventurous, was not included (her renovation wasn’t complete by Ms. Abramovitch’s book deadline), though it was once the location for a silent film shot by another friend, Winsome Brown. It is now on the market for $4.5 million, which seems a bargain, even today, but Ms. Rubell said she is ambivalent about selling.
　
　 As New York was disproportionately represented in Ms. Abramovitch’s book, so too were notable, if not exactly laudable, periods of local history, if only by implication. For instance, when Robert Duffy, Marc Jacobs’s business partner, bought a Federal-style town house in the West Village in 2001, he thought it might be nice to walk to work. Eight years later, Marc Jacobs boutiques pock the area, like the aftermath of a retail intifada. Did Mr. Duffy singlehandedly steer the area into its incarnation as something of a gated community for celebrities like Sarah Jessica Parker, replacing its delis and antiques stores with boutiques selling faux crocodile handbags? It’s hard to say, but he established a beachhead for the invasion.In any case, Mr. Duffy’s architect, Stephan Jacklitsch, along with 16 of the 21 owners of the houses in the book, had showed up for the party at Ms. Rubell’s. She is the niece of the doomed nightlife impresario Steve Rubell, and she described her current career as an organizer of events “linking food to art history,” then added: “But don’t call me an event planner. I’m much more on the continuum of installation and performance art.” Ms. Rubell, who once worked at the Royalton and has opened her own hotels with her family in Miami, seemed a very able host.
　
　 Downstairs, in her ultra-spare kitchen, cured meats and pickled vegetables from Prime Meats in Brooklyn were laid out on a white marble Saarinen table; the idea, Ms. Abramovitch said, was to have 19th-century foods to match the era of most of the houses in her book. Upstairs, the very bearded Prime Meats proprietors, Frank Falcinelli and Frank Castronovo, two of Brooklyn’s artisanal-food rock stars, parted the crowd with burly shoulders.
　
　 A word about those beards: did all of Williamsburg, Brooklyn, make some sort of blood pact not to shave this year? “I’ve had mine for years,” said Mr. Castronovo, who sports the most impressive growth. “My wife has been telling me that lately it seems a lot of people are looking a lot like me.” Meanwhile, Eve Ashcraft, the paint guru, had stopped in front of a huge curlicue of a chair fashioned from woven plastic in a vaguely houndstooth pattern. “What is that thing?” many guests wondered. “Um,ed women Long Sleeve, it’s curly?” Ms. Ashcraft hazarded. Ms. Rubell said: “It’s by Tord Boontje, and it’s always interesting to see who sits in that chair. It’s usually the most obvious person.” All evening, however, the chair remained empty.

BERLIN When Mikhail Gorbachev, the president of the former Soviet Union and Communist Party leader, introduced perestroika in the late 1980s, his policies had a profound affect on almost every aspect of life.

The censors for music, newspapers, television, and radio melted away.Banned writers, whose secret books were read only in samizdat,Ed hardy sunglasses, often typed out so many times on fading carbon paper that they were difficult to read, could finally appear on the shelves neatly bound. It was a fascinating period of the 20th century because the freedom was so intense, almost frenetic.But what also happened during this time was the disappearance of a genre of art: Socialist Realism.“It happened so quickly,” said Alessandra Lucia Coruzzi.

“In the late 1980s, a part of Soviet history was deleted.”Ms. Coruzzi is one of two curators of the exhibition “Behind the Iron Curtain,” a fascinating collection of Socialist Realism art put on display in Berlin by a group of art collectors from Milan.Gaia Fusai, one of the collectors, said the paintings had been taken down at great speed under Mr. Gorbachev’s term, as if there was an urgency to break with the past.“The paintings were put into basements or corners, or thrown aside as if that part of the past had no meaning.

But that art is part of the former Soviet Union’s history,” said Ms. Fusai, who was in Berlin for the opening. “You can’t just blot it out. So a group of collectors decided to go about trying to find these paintings. It is about saving the art of Socialist Realism,” she said.From the mid-1920s to the mid-’80s, leading artists had been commissioned by the Communist Party, for propagandist reasons, to depict the achievements of the Bolshevik Revolution and its leader, Vladimir Lenin. Artists who did not want to paint under such restrictions retreated to internal exile or emigrated.

For 50 years, Socialist Realist paintings, many of them showing Lenin and all of them depicting heroic or optimistic facets of life under Communism, had hung in public places.Some still hang in museums in former Soviet republics. But they are few and far between.So in a strange twist of history, just as the avant-garde art banned by the Soviet regime was viewed again, Socialist Realism, discarded so quickly in the late ’80s, may be going though its own renaissance. At least, that is the hope of the Jeschke-Van Vliet Art Gallery, located where the Berlin Wall once stood 20 years ago. For the first time, more than 300 paintings, created between the mid-’20s and the early ’80s have been brought under one roof.The quest to bring the collection together began nearly five years ago, not much time to find so many paintings scattered across the former Soviet Union.

The issue of property rights further complicated things, since the state commissioned the artists to paint and owned many of the paintings. “We went through different channels to acquire the paintings,” said Ms. Fusai. “It had been easy for paintings to cross the border from Russia into the other former Soviet Republics. We could buy the paintings. All the paper work is legal and correct. But it was more difficult in Russia.”Finding them and buying them was one thing. Restoring them was another.Hassan Bayati, who studied at the Academy of Art in Baghdad and Florence and is the other curator of the show, said he could not have imagined what he was to find when he set about restoring at least half the paintings.“It’s not that they just had to be cleaned. You had to know which materials to use,” said Mr. Bayati. He explained that artists of the period had to be extremely inventive to find materials because of shortages. Some of the canvases were made from jute, or “sewn together from pieces of military tents.”

The artists obtained cement dust and heated industrial oil to bind the canvas. “And if you look behind the canvasses, sometimes you can read what the artist was thinking, what he wanted to paint, how much money he needed, and so on.”The themes of the paintings on exhibit are consistent, despite the immense changes that had taken place throughout the Soviet Union during this time.There are the typical scenes with Lenin standing with villagers or leading a Communist Party congress, or talking to workers. An entire room is devoted to Lenin in all his guises. But there are many paintings without Lenin, too.In the works there is never any sense of conflict or doubt.

But that does not mean that the artist, though commissioned by the Communist Party, did not develop a certain freedom.One painting, “Students — volunteers in the fowl-run” by Semenov Evgeni Vladimirovich, who was born in Russia and studied art at Kiev Art Institute, shows how much liberty was taken by the artist. It is mocking and absurd given the way he painted an abundance of well-fed hens and scantily dressed students. It was done in 1973.Inevitably there are the paintings of the big, collectivized farms. But not all show contented tractor drivers. “Wheat Harvest,” painted in the late ’70s by Kodev Petr Ivanov, a Ukrainian born in 1899, shows a combine harvester, but well in the background. In the foreground, the wheat with all its texture and colors is where the artistic freedom shines through.

A painting by another Ukrainian, Vosnyuk Petr Stepanovich, shows a teacher observing young students in a woodworking class. The boys wear the scarves of the Young Pioneers, or young Communists. But the eye focuses more upon the wood carvings and details in the painting that was completed between 1968 and 1970. “That is what this exhibition is about,” Ms. Fusai said. “It is more than just propaganda. It is about a time in the Soviet Union. That is why we want to show these paintings to a wider audience. We want to fill the black holes of history.” Behind the Iron Curtain. The Art of Socialist Realism. Jeschke-Van Vliet Gallery. Krausenstrasse 40, Berlin. Through Nov. 30.

LONDON In a usual week, Enlarge This Image
The police tried to keep back protesters on Thursday outside BBC offices in London before a TV appearance by the leader of the right-wing British National Party.

　But on Thursday, it was transformed into the forum for Britains most widely anticipated political showdown in decades, drawing 8.2 million viewers, more than three times the programs usual audience, on a par with the World Cup games played by Englands soccer team and more than the number of viewers for such weekly prime time hit shows as Strictly Come Dancing.
　
　 The occasion was the appearance on the program, the BBCs flagship politics show, of Nick Griffin, leader of the Hitler, whom Mr. Griffin invoked in the past as a model, may have made mistakes. Yes, he said, according to the biographer, Dominic Carman, Adolf went a bit too far. In June, the B.N.P. won two seats one for Mr. Griffin in Britains 72-seat contingent to the European Parliament, the first time it won election to anything higher than a local council.
　
　The party took more than a million votes, 6.2 percent of the total, and gained enough legitimacy,ed hardy shop, in the view of the BBCs executives, to have its voice heard alongside the countrys mainstream parties on Question Time.Mr. Griffin, 50, is a pinstripe-suit-and-tie-wearing Cambridge University law graduate whose mission is to put a mainstream gloss on a party that is the ideological descendant of the British Union of Fascists, the pro-Hitler blackshirts of the 1930s. Since seizing the leadership of the British National Party a decade ago, Mr. Griffin, flak jacket concealed beneath his dark suit, has set out from his home in a heavily guarded farmhouse in Wales to change its members image, as a profile in Fridays Daily Telegraph put it, from skinheads in bomber jackets to politically incorrect rebels. For the B.N.P. and other parties, the timing of the TV debate was especially significant. It came barely seven months before the expected date for Britains general election in May.
　
　Soaring unemployment and immigration levels, as well as the threat of terrorism, are likely to be major issues then, and ones that could offer new openings to fringe parties like the B.N.P.The BBCs decision split Prime Minister Gordon Browns cabinet, as it did much of Britain. If they are asked about their racist and bigoted views, Mr. Brown said, it will be a good opportunity to expose what they are about. But his Welsh secretary, Peter Hain, vehemently disagreed.
　
　The BBC should be ashamed of single-handedly doing a racist, fascist party the biggest favor in its grubby history, he said.As the TV taping approached on Thursday night, three hours before the debate was broadcast, a Walter Cronkite with his middle-of-the-road manner and his custom on Question Time of ensuring that all points of view get a fair hearing. The early reading by many of Britains major newspapers was that Mr. Griffin lost heavily on points. While he gained a mass audience for the first time, for a party that usually meets in cramped backstreet halls, he appeared shocked by the pounding he took from other panelists, by repeated booing in the studio and by infuriated interruptions from Mr. Dimbleby. On Friday, Mr. Griffin said he would make a formal complaint to the BBC about the venom and sheer unfairness of the discussion. That was a lynch mob, he said. 1

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